[sect. 6]
Is the work of Herodotus incomplete, or unfinished?
Is the work of Herodotus, then, incomplete, unfinished,
as it stands? The comparative shortness of the ninth Book does
not make for an affirmative. Though the division into Books is
not the author's doing, the ninth Book possesses practically a
complete structure of its own, as above exhibited; the story of
Mykale and of Sestos is complete in itself, and the Colophon
with which the Book, and so the work, concludes is Herodotus'
own way of marking from time to time a pause, a finis, more or
less absolute.7 Nor are such peculiarities as may be detected
in the ninth Book attributable to want of finish, but mainly to
the nature of the subject and the Sources.8 The final Book
of Thucydides may be taken to show unmistakeable signs of
incompleteness and want of finish: a chronological scheme
manqu, speeches still all left in the oblique oration, stylistic
peculiarities, the abrupt breaking off. Not merely has the
annalistic record of Thucydides been arrested some years short
of its promised conclusion, but the latter end of it is obviously
in the raw, as compared with other portions. No such assertions
can be sustained against the final Book of Herodotus; at most
it might be said that Herodotus intended to carry on his story
further, that the main subject has not reached its proper end
with the capture of Sestos, and that another Book, or Books,
would be required to bring down the history of the war to its
actual finale. But what should this proper finale have been?
Ought Herodotus to have carried his story down to the transfer
of the naval hegemony, or to the victory of the Eurymedon, or
to the Peace of Kallias, if there was such a Peace, or to the de
facto cesser of hostilities between Persia and Athens, wherever
that is to be placed? Not one of these events, real or supposed,
would be a better finish to the story than the point at which
Herodotus leaves off, before the schism between Sparta and
Athens, before the new departure involved in carrying the war
into the enemy's country, before the disappearance and disgrace
of the heroes of the war, before the entrance on the scene of new
[p. xli]
actors and the rise of new interests. Herodotus is an artist, not
a mere annalist; but, even from the strictest historical point of
view, the story of the great expedition may be considered ended
after the battles of Plataia and Mykale, with the triumphant
return of the Athenian fleet from Sestos, bringing home the
cables which had yoked the Hellespont, linked Asia and Europe,
and rendered the vast invasion possible. No ancient authority,
or critic, regarded the work of Herodotus as incomplete, or
suspected an intention on his part to carry his narrative below
the point just indicated. On the contrary, the Persian war,
the great expedition, meant for his successors, from Thucydides
to Diodoros, exactly what it had meant for Herodotus himself.9
To suppose that these authorities, imprimis Thucydides, accepted
an imperfect conception of the subject due to the accidental
failure of Herodotus to carry out his whole project, is to ascribe
to them an exaggerated respect for his authority. Probably the
conception of τὰ Μηδικά as the Invasion of Xerxes, comprising
the two campaigns of 480 and 479 B.C., came to Herodotus
himself ready-made, an accepted view of the case, justifiable on
its merits: he simply stereotyped and gave it currency. Nowhere
does he indicate precisely in advance the limits of his
subject, or the date, or event, which is the terminus of the war;
there is no ground so convincing as that would be, had he
announced an end which he fails to reach, for charging the work
with incompleteness. The only plausible argument in support
of the view that the work of Herodotus is incomplete as it
stands arises from the unfulfilled promises made by the author
in the course of the work. There are three such cases in all:
two of these, the promise to relate the capture of Nineveh
(1. 106), and the promise to make mention of some kings of
Babylon (1. 184), do not affect the conclusion of the work as
it stands; for no one can suppose that the fulfilment of these
pledges was to find place in the present work after the record
of the capture of Sestos. Either Herodotus at some time
contemplated a distinct work on Assyrian history, or he intended
to add to the end of the third Book, as we have it, some further
[p. xlii]
notices of Babylon and Assyria. It is difficult to set down the
non-fulfilment of these two promises, in pari materia, and occurring
so nearly together, to an oversight, and I am inclined to
believe that Herodotus had projected a separate work on
Assyrian history, which he never achieved. The argument is
different in the third and only remaining case, the promise to
complete the story of Epialtes, 7. 213, which is nowhere
fulfilled. But, if we are not here in presence of a pure oversight,
at most the case proves that Herodotus did not quite fully
and finally revise his work; it cannot prove that he had projected
a later close, or finale. Such a project would have landed him
in the Pentekontateris to encounter all the difficulties and inconsequence
above adverted to, in seeking a better, a more
artistic conclusion than his actual work presents. Moreover,
the numerous explicit references to events of the Pentekontateris,
which occur throughout the work of Herodotus, and especially
in the last three Books, supply a positive bar to the supposition
that he intended to carry his connected and continuous narrative
over any considerable portion of the period subsequent to the
capture of Sestos. On any such hypothesis those references
would involve reiterated anticipations of the narrative still to
come of an inartistic and clumsy sort, which has no parallel in
the actual work of Herodotus.10 Yet, if we are led to acquiesce
in the view that the work of Herodotus missed the very last
revision from the author's hand, it is less on the strength of this
one clearly unfulfilled pledge than on account of the occurrence
of numerous inconsequences, or maladroitnesses, which repeated
filing might perhaps have removed from the finished work,
much as your modern author will revise a complete and final
edition of his works: though even in such a case a writer rarely
succeeds in removing all inequalities, or inconsequences, from
productions drawn from various quarters, dealing with many
diverse interests and topics, and spread in composition over a
considerable number of years; and it may be doubted whether
any number of revisions and retractations could quite have
brought every story, every chapter, every line in the work of
Herodotus into perfect consistency with every other, in view of
his empirical methods and conflicting sources.
[p. xliii]
A further argument in favour of the view that the work of
Herodotus is complete, after the author's own conception, is to
be found in the general plan and scope of the work as a whole.
The whole falls, as has been already, and elsewhere more fully
shown, into three great sections, or volumes, each comprising, as
it happens, a trio of Books, and each nearly equivalent in bulk
to each. A remarkable symmetry and proportion obtain in the
tripartite work, anticipating, perhaps suggesting, the symmetry
in the work of Thucydides, had the latter but obtained the
destined bulk and finish from its author's hand. In neither
case was the actual plan of the complete and symmetric work
in existence before the inception of the undertaking: in each
case, surely, the idea of the whole dawned and grew upon the
author in the course of composition. This hypothesis is verifiable
in the case of Thucydides, and highly probable in the case of
Herodotus. But in the latter case, whatever may have been
the point or stage at which the author first conceived the
idea of the work as a whole, matters nothing to the present
argument for the completeness of the work as it stands. To
have added, that is inserted, the Assyrian Logoi, which were
surely to have been as bulky as the Egyptian, or at least as the
Libyan Logoi, would have destroyed the symmetry of the extant
whole, a parte ante; to have carried the chronicle of the wars
with Persia down to the battle of the Eurymedon, or the more
complete end of actual hostilities, about the time of Perikles'
ascendency, would have destroyed the symmetry of the work a
parte post. The addition, indeed, of the further records, or Logoi,
indicated to the first and the third sections, or volumes, of the
work respectively, would have left the symmetry of the composition
inviolate, but would enormously have increased the bulk
of the whole, would have still further retarded the main
argument by a fresh digression, and would have destroyed the
moral atmosphere and effect of the work, by involving the story
in the decadence and disruption of Hellas. It may have been
the very impossibility of adding to the story of the Persian war,
of carrying it below the capture of Sestos, without departing
from recognized principles, and becoming entangled in endless
difficulties and inconsequences, which determined Herodotus to
preserve the proportions of his work as a whole by omitting
the Ἀσσύριοι λόγοι from the first volume, and reserving the
[p. xliv]
fuller stories of Nineveh and of the Babylonian kings for an
entirely distinct work. If the Assyrian Logoi were to have been
a separate and distinct work, as appears most probable, then the
references and promises in respect of them in no degree bear
out the view that the existing work was incomplete, or unfinished,
in the author's judgement and conception. The
argument has to rely simply upon the promise in the seventh
Book, a frail support for a conclusion otherwise so improbable;
and as it can be shown, from numerous authentic additions and
insertions, that the author revised his work certainly once,
and probably more than once, the most extreme conclusion
justified by the state of the evidences amounts to no more than
the admission that Herodotus, had he revised his work yet once
again, might have removed a few more of the still remaining
inconcinnities, which go to prove that the work, as we have it,
artistic, complete, and highly finished as it is, a whole, with a
beginning, a middle and an end, nevertheless was not originally
conceived and projected upon the lines, and with the structure
and great argument thereinto imported by the author in the
course of his years of apprenticeship and mastery.
Last, and not least, if not merely is the work a result of years
of study, of wandering, of experience and production, as all critics
will in some degree admit: if also the earliest portion, or section,
of the work to attain relative completeness and definite form was
just the History of the Great Invasion, τὰ Μηδικά, our last three
Books: why, then, the argument in favour of regarding the work
as complete and finished, in structure and general conception,
gains additional weight and substance. If the history of the
Medic war was the primary and principal subject to the record
and illustration of which Herodotus first addressed himself, it is
probable that the history of the Medic war is complete and
finished in the author's conception and creation. This history
forming the end of the Herodotean work, as we have it, that
work is finished, and has reached its proper end, whatever lacunae
may be detected in its earlier portions. The problem of the
order in which the various parts and portions of the work of
Herodotus were composed, or the materials for their composition
collected, is in itself an important and interesting problem to the
student of historical literature. Should it be decided in accordance
with the hypothesis just indicated, it must be held to afford
[p. xlv]
fresh ground for recognizing the work as finished and complete
in its present form; and all arguments for the substantive priority
of Books 7, 8, 9 become ancillary arguments for the completion
and completeness of the work. Should the problem of the order
of composition be decided otherwise, or be held definitely insoluble,
still all the considerations already adduced remain to
make it practically quite certain that the connected and continuous
story of the Barbarian and Hellenic worlds, and of the
wars waged between them, had reached its end and conclusion,
as conceived and projected for his work by the author; and
nothing in the work itself, much less elsewhere, justifies the view
that the story of the war is incomplete.